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вЂњThe Customs of the Taiwan Natives.вЂќ Tomita RyЕ«tei (еЇЊз”°жџіе ¤), вЂњTaiwan dojin fЕ«zoku no zu,вЂќ in FЕ«zoku gahЕЌ 129 (December 1, 1896).

This imagery continued to flourish during the wars of conquest in Taiwan, as exemplified by the drawing of Taiwanese вЂњethnic typesвЂќ in figure 3.ДЇig. Donald Keene, John Dower, and Judith FrГ¶hlich have demonstrated that wood-block prints flooded the Japanese market with racially charged portrayals of Chinese to fan the flames of xenophobic nationalism during the Sino-Japanese War. The explicit or implicit denigration of cultures, ethnic groups, and races as backward or primitive was another motif in Japanese colonial visual culture. It contrasts SeoulвЂ™s old urban landscape and modest central terminal with the open spaces, new structures, and modern rail system of a refurbished capital under Japanese management. Our second example is a montage from the publication Thriving Chosen (figure 2). Thriving Chosen: A Survey of Twenty-five YearsвЂ™ Administration (Seoul: Government-General of Chosen, 1935). Foreign Affairs Section, Government General of Chosen, ed. In visual culture, what Joseph Allen terms the вЂњcomparative before and afterвЂќ genre was commonly deployed in depictions of each colony this motif is exemplified by figure 1. Visual Cultures of Progress, Hierarchy, and DifferenceДЄfter the dissolution of the Qing state in Taiwan and the Yi dynasty in Korea, Japanese propagandists-in order to legitimate change-denigrated predecessor regimes as backward. I conclude, then, that although вЂњmimicryвЂќ is a useful concept regarding very specific vectors of Japanese colonial history in Asia, it cannot account for variations among JapanвЂ™s colonized and occupied spaces. To account for this, I suggest that differences in the timing, character, and duration of Taiwanese and Korean resistance movements tipped the balance. State-sponsored photographers and publishers, however, bequeathed divergent visual legacies to JapanвЂ™s colonies. Two prominent Western scholars have thus characterized Japanese imperialism as вЂњmimetic.вЂќ As a mimetic power, Japan imposed a hastily imported bundle of Western-inspired policies and rhetoric on militarily weaker Asian neighbors, making its overseas empire in some sense вЂњderivative.вЂќ More important, as an almost Great Power, a вЂњwhite but not quiteвЂќ junior member of the imperialist club, itself a target of Western civilizingвЂ“mission policies and rhetoric, JapanвЂ™s status as an agent of вЂњenlightenment and progressвЂќ was especially unstable. Structurally, Japan occupied the in-between position of object and author of Euro-American-style gunboat diplomacy in the nineteenth-century world of competitive empire-building. This regional variant on colonial modernity is of special interest because the dominant power was a non-Western nation-state. At issue in that debate is the extent to which illiberal, coercive, and even brutal Japanese regimes-externally imposed governments general in Korea and Taiwan and an imperial police state in Japan-laid the institutional, infrastructural, and ideological groundwork for todayвЂ™s democratic states of East Asia. In the past decade or so, a number of scholars have examined corporal punishment in early-twentieth-century Taiwan and Korea to position Japan and its colonies in broader discussions of colonial modernity. Second, this essay brings new sources to bear on debates about judicial flogging in the Japanese empire. Because Taiwan's colonial subjects were flogged proportionately to KoreaвЂ™s-under previous regimes and during the Japanese occupation-this discrepancy requires explanation.

The contrast with Korea, where such imagery proliferated, is pronounced. First, it attempts to account for the absence of mass-circulation photographs of floggings and cangues from colonial Taiwan.

This essay examines corporal-punishment imagery in early-twentieth-century Japanese print media, with a focus on pictures from colonial Taiwan and Korea.

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